‘It is our duty to look after the environment, while it also looks after us’ Reflections on environmental change from Zimbabwe

As with Hariana A1 land reform area, discussed in the last blog, we conducted participatory workshops on environmental changes in Ruia farms, also in Mvurwi area. In defining the ‘environment’, participants identified wetlands, wildlife, grass, trees and so on. One male participant made a passionate plea: “It is our duty to look after the environment, while it also looks after us”

 We asked participants if there were any changes in the environment. The participants unanimously agreed that the environment has changed. “Over the last years we have seen an increase in households from 74 plot holders with offer letters to about 100, some without offer letters. Before settlement, this farm was used by one white farmer but now there are many farmers. If we combine the size of the arable land that each of the A1 plot holder is farming, you will realize that the size of arable land has also increased. When we arrived here, the white farmer had a total of 50 head of cattle, but today if we aggregate all the cattle owned by each household the number will surpass the 50 cattle that the white farmer once owned. The white farmer had no goats or sheep, but we now have all these species here”, a male farmer argued.

Participants unanimously agreed that trees have been depleted over the years due to tobacco farming. “When we arrived here, the forests were very thick and dark. You would not see anything far. It was very frightening to walk in the forests. One would think that he/she could be attacked by lions. However, following the adoption of tobacco farming, we have now been left in the sun. Tobacco has brought much development and investments in the area, but it has resulted in the destruction of trees. The rate of tree exploitation is too high compared to the rate of its replenishment”, a male participant observed.

“I think the changes in the environment is because when we arrived here, only one farmer was staying here and now we are now 100 households. You can’t compare the use of trees by one farmer compared to 100 farmers. When we arrived here, we built our first homes using pole and dug materials. There was no time to make bricks. We all used poles to construct makeshift houses. We had to get these poles in forests to construct our homes. At first, we relied on trees to build our homes,” another male participant noted.

Participants also noted the declines in rainfall since their arrival in the early 2000s. They attributed this decline in rainfall to reduced trees. As one male participant explained: “In our culture, we believe that rains decline when trees get cleared. Trees trap the wind and bring down the rains. When we arrived here, there were a lot of very big trees. And these trees would trap winds, leading to rainfall. You would see a mist forming on top of these trees, and immediately it will start to rain.”

“This area had a Cypress plantation. Those trees were very tall, and you could only see the sun during sunset. You could see those trees when you were at GMB in Mvurwi. They were very tall and dark! The white farmer did not cut these trees. We only realized later that the white farmer was not cutting these trees because these trees acted as mountains to generate rains. That is why rainfall was very plentiful during those years. But after removing those trees, we realized that rains are becoming erratic in this area. This is because the trees that acted as mountains to trap rains are no longer there. Rains follow tall things! When the area becomes a desert, there won’t be rains,” commented a male participant.

Respecting cultural traditions

Another participant told us that following ‘culture’ also influences rainfall patterns. “Yes, we can talk of the importance of trees but following our cultural beliefs is equally important. If there is no culture, rains won’t fall. You can plant trees all you like, but if people do not follow culture rains won’t fall. Culture! Tsika nemagariro edu in each area. We need to follow our cultural beliefs. Rains will not fall if culture is not followed, even if people plant a lot of trees. These days you find a lot of ‘durex’ (condoms) in the forests, where people engage in prostitution activities (upombwe). It will never rain when people engage in those evil activities. These days we see people killing pythons (shato). It’s a taboo to kill a python. If you kill a python, it will not rain. Culture must be followed!”

Another participant emphasised that cultural taboos prevented environmental overexploitation. One participant commented “Springs must be kept and respected. Both people and animals can share drinking water from the springs…It is clean water… These days we have a big problem. The chief (mambo) does not allow people to cut down trees such Parinari Curatellifolia (muhacha), Syzygium cordatum (mukute) and Uapaca kirkiana (muzhanje)to be cut. It is believed that such trees would save strangers (mubvakure) from starvation. These forests (jiri) belonged to mambo, which needs to be safeguarded to avoid hunger. These fruit trees need to be protected.”

However, one participant said that it was difficult to control the utilisation of these trees. “It was to manage these things because we have a lot of people who are illegal settlers. There are a lot of illegal settlers. This makes the management of these farms difficult. If you try to implement rules, such people would fight you. So, it’s very difficult to fight you.”

“People have been settled everywhere. There are now plenty of people. It’s difficult to control the utilization of natural resources. If you want to control it, you will be seen as a bad person. A person who will be trying to control will be ridiculed.”, another participant added.

The individualisation and privatisation of land

The participants unanimously agreed that there were no more commons. One female participant explained, “Nowadays, there are even incidents whereby people with small hills nearby are now claiming those small hills as their private property. The moment you go at that hill and try to cut a tree there, that person will confront you and tell you that it’s his/her hill. So, there is no where you can cut trees anymore. Because that hill is close to his/her homestead or farm, he/she will claim as his/hers. That person does not even have an offer letter.”

As settlement pressure increases, participants bemoaned that some members of the VIDCO have been selling land in the grazing land: “When we were formally allocated these plots, we were told that each farm would have communal grazing areas. However, if you ask me today if I still have access to that grazing, I will tell you ‘No, I don’t have it anymore’. There is now someone settled on the grazing land. The place is now full and loaded with people.”

Changing labour relations and pressures on land

A female participant explained why there have been many illegal settlers in the grazing areas. “It’s us the plot holders who have contributed to the ever-increasing number of people. For example, I would look for a worker from the communal areas or somewhere else, and I will give him/her accommodation in the Compound. The worker once in the Compound would no longer work for me. Instead that worker looks for his/her own small plot to farm. That worker would no longer come to work for me. If you then confront that worker and try to evict him from the house in the Compound, he/she would then report you to the police. And the police would then tell you ‘You, can’t evict this worker because it’s not your house. It’s a government property and you did not bring a single brick to build the house. The police have helped create the problem. There are a lot of workers in the Compounds that we brought in to help us with farm work, but they are no longer working for settlers. These farms are too big, more than the size that we used to cultivate in the ‘reserves’, and we need workers. However, these workers no longer work for us.”

Authority and land control

As in other areas, the changing pattern of authority and land control was emphasised as a big issue affecting how land is used. A male participant commented, “In the past, we had chiefs and masabhuku. However, there was a lot of confusion and the chiefs and masabhuku authority was suspended.  These were replaced by VIDCOs under the party. As a result, no one has control anymore.  We were told that the chiefs and masabhuku will be reinstated but this is taking a long time.”

The result is a confusion over who is in charge. A male participant argued, “What is happening is… At the moment, the area is under the leadership of the VIDCO. The VIDCO is under the party (musangano). The party has several departments. There is main wing, Women’s League, Youth’s League and VIDCO as well. So, some wings are much more powerful than the VIDCO. For example, if VIDCO says we don’t want this, one person with a position in a wing that is more powerful than the VIDCO, who would come and allocate land illegally. The person would allocate people some stands illegally, and no one will ask him because he has a higher position in the party than the VIDCO. This is how the numbers of illegal settlers have swelled. All these departments are under the party (musangano), and no department is under the government. This is why VIDCOs are ineffective.”

Another participant, with a leadership role in the party elaborated: “As an illustration, I am the chairperson of ZANU-PF branch and Mr N is the chairman of the VIDCO. But the VIDCO chairman is under the party, and VIDCO has a lower rank than the branch. The branch consists of nine cells at this farm. The VIDCO chairman is part of my nine cells, but despite me the chairman of the branch myself, I am also under the VIDCO chairman because I live in his area. But, the same VIDCO chairman has less power than me because I am the chairman of the ZANU-PF branch. In an ideal world, the VIDCO chairman is one who works with the chief, and I – as the ZANU-PF branch chairman – I should be under the VIDCO chairman and the chief. But in practice this does not work like that. The VIDCO is weakened by the party.”

These changes happened particularly after the 2008 elections due to local political machinations. While the area is under chief, the VIDCO and so the party dominates local land control. As one participant explained, “The village heads (sabhuku) were removed in 2009 during the rerun, and since then they have not been reinstated. And they were replaced with VIDCOs. And the maps show a lot of environmental changes since then because there has been chaos ever since the VIDCOs took over.”

It is not as if the ‘traditional’ system under the chief was perfect. Participants bemoaned the corruption practices of the Chief’s police (Mapurisa amambo’). The problem is that there are multiple authorities, all taking their chance. One participant explained: “The chief’s policemen are very corrupt. There are lots of cases that are not going to the chief as they ask for bribery. As we speak, I have one case that I am trying to resolve, involving mupurisa wamambo. According to the Chief’s rules, Parinari Curatellifolia tree should not be cut, yet one of his policemen came with a chainsaw and cut down all these trees and took them for sale with a big lorry. He cut down muhachi trees on a large area, which is also sacred place. The issue was reported to the chief. One of the chief’s police was tasked to come and write a summons. So, it so happened that we had to be someone on the day when the issue was being heard at the chief’s court, and I and the VIDCO chairman were going to another party meeting. After a few days, the chief told us that the issue was resolved. We never had the verdict. We were never told how the offender was penalized.”

The result is that basic land governance practices are not followed, and ‘traditional’ control of the environment is no longer enforced. Participants for example commented on the lack of defined farm boundaries, and the way this causes problems with land allocation and results in multiple disputes: “The other problem is that we don’t know our farm boundaries. We have situation whereby people from other farms are allocating land in our farms without our knowledge. We have people who are coming to cut and sell wood.”  Equally, due to the changes of authority and the lack of clarity that has resulted, practices that in the past helped manage the environment, reducing the cutting of valuable trees have declined. “In the past, if someone cuts a muhacha tree, he/she is penalized by the chief. The offender has to pay one head of cattle and one goat/sheep per tree”. This no longer happens, participants explained.

Disrupting sacred places

Due to this lack of authority, combined with corruption and confusion over who is in charge, participants told us that some places that were once sacred have been settled. Sacred trees such muhacha trees are now also being cut down. At one spring, where there used to be two pythons nearby, participants said that those pythons have since disappeared. “In the past you would find a python drinking water at the spring, and you would let it drink or clap as a sign of respect (kuombera) and when it finishes it would just leave.”

Another participant told us: “Across the road, there is a place called Chireramhondoro. This place was sacred. But today, houses have been built there and the place has been fenced off. The person who was allocated there is now renting out the place to the Chinese doing chrome mining. The clay plots (makate) that were once there were destroyed. The place is now a private place, you can’t go there”.

Local politics and elections

Disputes over authority locally have resulted in much confusion over who is in charge, with competing individuals and groups claiming control over land and resources. The result is that, in many cases, noone can take charge and impose sanctions. There were many complaints about ‘the party’ and ‘the VIDCO’ as being corrupt and failing to protect the environment, often using election periods to settle new people to gain voices. There were passionate pleas to the chief to reinstall his own headmen once again to reinstall authority.

A male war veteran participant commented: “We wish the chief to install a sabhuku quickly because we have a big problem with the leadership of the party. The party says you can’t evict illegal settlers because we are going towards elections. The leadership of masabhuku is better because the VIDCO chairpersons want votes. That’s why the people more and more people because they want votes, yet our resources are being destroyed.”

He continued, “The issue is: for an MP to garner votes he/she promises people some land during his/her campaigns. But where is he/she going to get that land? The Lands Office officially settled people based on the farm’s carrying capacity. Councillor also wants votes, and uses land to campaign. Yet the Lands Office said that the carrying capacity of this farm is 74 A1 households. That’s where the challenge is”.

Interpreting environmental change

Area 1: Changes in crop fields, with decline from 2010-2019, and then an increase in 2025. One participant explained the pattern: “During the early period, people were observing rules and regulations. As we have noted earlier, plot holders during this time were 74. These plot holders were given specific rules and regulations to follow. They were told to cultivate in areas where the white farmer used to cultivate. Do not go and open up a new crop fields where there is forest. They were told not to cultivate/ open new crop fields which were not cultivated by the white farmer before. So, people were allocated their 6ha in the existing crop fields that was used by the white farmer. We were told that each farmer had 6 ha of individual crop field and an area of shared communal grazing. This was what each plot holder was told upon receiving his/her offer letter. We were following rules and regulations. There was a lot of institutions – Lands, the Chief and us war veterans – at the time, and the Chief would bring his own beneficiaries, the DA would also allocate some people land, and the war veterans would also get a portion to settle it’s members. This is how land was allocated. At the time, it was easy to follow the rules and regulations because the chief would tell his people the rules and regulations, the DA and the war veterans would do the same. By going forward, it appears that no one follows the rules anymore.”

Another explained: “During the early period, people were constrained economically (kuomegwa). But now, everyone can get access to inputs. Because of this, people are now expanding their crop fields to uncultivated areas that were once forests. Some leaders are involved in illegal allocation of land, while we also allocate land to our adult children. This is why the cultivated areas has increased today.”

Area 2: Forest decline in the Vhuranhema mountains). A particular mountainous area was noted as experiencing significant land clearance, especially since 2019. This was explained by highlighting the appearance of a mass of settlers from Mount Darwin who were later evicted by the Chief. The locals noticed how these settlers had fared well and then settled their own children in need of farmland, allegedly corruptly gaining access via the VIDCO.

One participant explained, “This area had a lot of trees. But as people engage in tobacco farming, they started cutting down trees there, as people expand their tobacco operations”. Another explained: “In 2019, this area is also now settled by illegal settlers. Initially, a group of illegal settlers from Mount Darwin occupied the place. And this was reported to the chief. I was summoned by the chief to go and check what was happening. I came back with the report to the chief. I told the chief that the place was inaccessible with a car. The chief organized evictions of the Mount Darwin people. These people stayed about two years before they were evicted. By then, some had accumulated cars and grinding mills. This area if you stay for two years, you can easily buy a car during that period. It two years they had managed to buy grinding mills and cars thanks to tobacco farming. After their eviction, we decided that we settle our own children as a buffer zone.”

Area 3: Forest decline and increase in crop fields, near Makumbiri area. This area was allocated to new people. There are also boundary contestations here, with some neighbouring farms allocating their people there. “There is a lot of people from Ruia D who were allocated there by their leaders, who claimed that that’s the area. These are the people who are contributing to the cutting down of trees. Most of these people are illegal settlers, some with very good houses.” These people can’t be evicted: “They use politics.”

The discussions in this site were heated. They quickly turned to politics and the discontent people felt with the current situation exposed by our collective analysis. Participants from all groups were at the workshop – VIDCO leads, party officials, representatives of the chief – as well as many ordinary people who were frustrated with the current situation. The challenge has been the shifting of authority over time between sabhukus and what people referred to as ‘the party’. Of course VIDCOs were supposed to be representative village organisations able to manage local affairs, removing power from the narrow base of ‘traditional’ leadership and chieftaincies, but in matters of land and politics, political party influences soon take over. Election times were seen as critical moments when those in power were able to allocate land to outsiders, boosting votes in the process. The commercial success of tobacco has influenced this dynamic, with demand for land accelerating dramatically. Declining ‘common’ areas and demands from former farmworkers for land has added to the challenges of effective environmental management.

The workshop discussions therefore raised many issues for the local community, and after we had finished they immediately convened a discussion amongst the participants themselves to discuss issues further without the research team. Environmental governance and politics are so deeply intertwined in such a highly commercialised area with extreme demand for land conserving the environment so it it ‘looks after us’ is extremely challenging.

This is the third in a blog series on land use and environmental change and was written by Tapiwa Chatikobo, Keen Marozva, Felix Murimbarimba and Ian Scoones. The blog first appeared on Zimbabweland